What are we talking about when we speak of Christian nationalism?

Since the storming of Congress on January 6th, 2021, when crosses and banners with Bible verses were seen among Trump supporters, Christian Nationalism has become a leading term related to religion and politics not just in the United States, but in Europe as well.

After Donald Trump won the presidential election last autumn – in large part thanks to his Christian voters – it is not a wild guess that the concept will be around for a long time. Since much of European culture today is influenced by American culture, especially in terms of media interest, its impact has been felt in the European discussion on church and politics as well.

But what constitutes Christian Nationalism, and how many adherents does it have? How should we understand the changes taking place in religiosity in the United States?

A similar approach to identifying Christian nationalists is taken in the book, Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States (2020). There, researchers Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry argue that those who answer “yes” to statements such as that the federal government “should allow the display of religious symbols in public spaces”, “should allow prayer in public schools”, and “declare the United States a Christian nation” sympathize with Christian Nationalism. Even the belief that human rights come from God, not the state, has been described as synonymous with Christian nationalism.

[destacate]Religious Nationalism is of course problematic and fundamentally alien to the Christian faith[/destacate]What many believe, is that the United States will soon be transformed into a Christian theocracy. Comparisons are made with Gilead in Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid’s Tale. And if Sweden, and the rest of Europe, don’t look out, they will soon be next.

Religious Nationalism is of course problematic and fundamentally alien to the Christian faith. In Acts 13, when Jesus’ disciples are first called “Christians”, two Africans, two Jews (one from Cyprus and one from Asia Minor) and one person from the Roman elite are mentioned as church leaders in Antioch. The Gospel thus bridges what can become exclusionary barriers between people. But taken to its extreme nationalism relies on a form of idolatry.

In his book The Four Loves, C.S. Lewis warns how even a healthy love of country (patriotism) can degenerate into idolatry: “We all know now that this love [of country] becomes a demon when it becomes a god.” Lewis continues: ‘If our country’s cause is the cause of God, wars must be wars of annihilation. A false transcendence is given to things which are very much of this world.”

[destacate] Between 1726 and 1858, Sweden outlawed all gatherings for prayer and the study of the Bible in people’s homes that were not led by a priest[/destacate]As an Evangelical of a Baptist tradition in Sweden, I only need to look at my own country’s history when the nation was declared Christian by the government to see this. Between 1726 and 1858 the Conventicle Act outlawed all gatherings for prayer and the study of the Bible in people’s homes that were not led by a priest. It was during this time that many in our free church movement fled to the US to practice their faith freely and openly. And it wasn’t until 1949 that the Swedish Blasphemy Act was abolished, largely thanks to Sweden’s revival movements that argued for a complete freedom of religion.

But the fact that someone wants to legislate based on Christian values can also be a matter of agreeing with Martin Luther King in his Letter from Birmingham Jail, that just laws are in accordance with God’s law. Should he then be seen as a Christian Nationalist?

In an open and free society a government should be able to allow religious symbols in public and prayer in schools – the problems arise when this is imposed or banned. The same is true when a government tries to declare a specific faith as the state religion as was the case in Sweden for many years. Being Catholic, Jewish, or Muslim was outlawed – as was any protestant confession other than the state sanctioned Lutheranism. But this is far from what is often labeled as Christian Nationalism today.

[destacate]In Sweden, Germany, France, and Poland only 1 to 3 percent could be described as Christian nationalists. The threat of a Christian theocracy is thus vanishingly small[/destacate]One clear example is the so called Christian Nationalistic notion that our rights are given by the Creator. That belief is already stated in the US Declaration of Independence. Is that document then an expression of Christian Nationalism?

Correspondingly, it could be argued that bishops in the Church of Sweden (as well as in other mainline churches) who want our nation’s migration policy to reflect Leviticus 19 of welcoming the stranger, are doing something similar when it comes to proposing that the law should be based on the Bible. The same text in Leviticus, incidentally, prohibits idolatry, and the chapters before and after it prohibit same-sex sex. Hardly something mainline churches want to introduce into the law!

In fact, in a recent Pew Research Center survey, only 6 percent of Americans could be described as Christian Nationalists, according to the organization’s definition. In Sweden, Germany, France, and Poland the corresponding figure ranges from less than 1 to 3 percent of respondents. The threat of a Christian theocracy in the West is thus vanishingly small.

[destacate] Sometimes the support for Trump takes on grotesque messianic proportions and is rightly to be criticized. Elsewhere, however, there is anything but cheering[/destacate]Christian Nationalism is often used today discredit the political engagement of Christians -especially among Evangelicals. It is no secret that Donald Trump won big among evangelicals (around 80 percent) and that most of them have voted Republican for a long time. And sometimes the support for Trump takes on grotesque messianic proportions and is rightly to be criticized.

Elsewhere, however, there is anything but cheering, not least because of the president’s personal character. But also after the downplaying of the abortion issue and Trump’s handling of Ukraine, where American missionaries have been active for a long time.

However, the strongest political activism isn’t found among Evangelical Christians, but among progressive and liberal theological denominations, with the Episcopal Church at the top. It also happens to be the denomination where Mariann Edgar Budde, who became known for her sermon after Trump’s inauguration, is bishop.

And while American Evangelical churches are described in Sweden as being in decline due to their political commitments, there is less talk of churches like the Episcopal Church suffering from a collapsing membership. If the trend continues, it is estimated that not a single person will worship there by 2050. The same can be said about our mainline churches that focus on being a political voice and not on preaching the Word.

[destacate] The strongest political activism isn’t found among Evangelical Christians, but among liberal theological denominations[/destacate]The loss of members is often explained as a result of the Episcopal Church and other mainline denominations becoming a mirror image of the secular majority culture with a watered-down and politicized faith. Intersectionality, gender-neutral language about God and critical race theory are common themes.

A Christian faith that relies on who sits in the Oval Office is rightly to be criticized – Christ alone is the founder and perfecter of our faith. But we should not overestimate such a political faith. Especially not when a similar politicized belief is professed among progressive and liberal churches in the US, which in Europe tend to be seen as role models.

Jacob Rudenstrand, Deputy General Secretary of the Swedish Evangelical Alliance.

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